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Neurodiversity

The idea that human minds vary naturally, and the movement built on it. What the words mean, how the term arose on an autistic email list in the 1990s, what surveys of autistic people and others show, and the arguments over people with the highest support needs.

The idea that human minds are naturally different from each other, and the movement that grew from it. What the words mean, where they came from, what surveys show, and what people argue about.

Last reviewed 5 October 2026 · one person's reading of the research · 23 research and 33 community sources

What people mean Community

In community writing, neurodiversity means the natural variety of human minds. Nick Walker, an autistic scholar, defines it as "the diversity of human minds, the infinite variation in neurocognitive functioning within our species."c1 On this definition neurodiversity belongs to a group, as biodiversity belongs to a forest, and Walker writes: "There is no such thing as a 'neurodiverse individual.'"c1 A person whose mind works in ways that "diverge significantly from the dominant societal standards of 'normal'" is neurodivergent, and the condition is neurodivergence; a person within those standards is neurotypical.c1

Walker separates three things the one word can cover. Neurodiversity itself is "a biological fact". The neurodiversity paradigm is a way of seeing it, whose first principle is that "Neurodiversity is a natural and valuable form of human diversity." The neurodiversity movement is "a social justice movement that seeks civil rights, equality, respect, and full societal inclusion for the neurodivergent."c1

Everyday use is looser. Devon Price writes of "neurodiverse" people and calls neurodiversity "a wide umbrella, including everyone from Autistics, to ADHDers, to people with Schizophrenia, brain injuries, or Narcissistic Personality Disorder."c4 Sol Smith draws a narrower line: a person is neurodivergent only with "a neurodevelopmental condition that affects cognition and was not acquired through any means other than birth and development."c5 Eric Garcia sums up the movement's claim as that autism and other disabilities are "normal variations in the human population and do not require a cure but rather accommodation and acceptance."c6

Walker answers the narrower readings directly. Asasumasu meant the word to include as much as possible, Walker writes, so it covers ways of being neurodivergent acquired during life, such as the lasting effects of trauma, as well as innate ones such as autism and dyslexia, and "not all neurodivergent people are disabled."c22 Walker also writes that "neurodivergent is not a euphemism for autistic".c23 For the narrower group, Walker coined neurominority in 2004: people "who all share similar forms of innate developmental neurodivergence for which they might encounter discrimination (e.g., autistic or dyslexic people)".c23 Amy Pearson and Kieran Rose use the term to make room for how much autistic people differ from one another: members of a neurominority share a similar neurodivergence that does not change and that the outside world meets with stigma, and within that they can vary widely.c24

Walker coined a further word, neuroqueer, in a graduate paper in 2008, and writes that Athena Lynn Michaels-Dillon had come up with it independently. As a verb it means "the practice of queering (subverting, defying, disrupting, liberating oneself from) neuronormativity and heteronormativity simultaneously"; as an adjective it can also name a social identity.c25 The rhetoric scholar Remi Yergeau, who identifies as autistic and neuroqueer, argues in Authoring Autism that autistic movements which clinicians read as mere behavior can be read as communication, and treats autism as a queer, nonnormative way of being.c26

Neurodiversity means that human minds are naturally different from each other. Nick Walker is an autistic writer and teacher. Walker calls it "the diversity of human minds".c1 A forest has many kinds of trees. In the same way, a group of people has many kinds of minds. So Walker says one person cannot be "neurodiverse".c1 A person whose mind works very differently from what counts as "normal" is neurodivergent. A person whose mind fits what counts as normal is neurotypical.c1

Walker splits the word into three ideas.c1 The first is the plain fact that minds differ. The second is a way of seeing it: these differences are natural and have value. The third is a movement that works for equal rights for neurodivergent people.

Other writers use the words more loosely. Devon Price includes autistic people, people with ADHD, and many others.c4 Sol Smith only counts conditions people are born with that affect thinking.c5 Eric Garcia says the movement sees autism as a normal human difference. It needs "accommodation and acceptance", not a cure.c6

Walker says neurodivergent was meant to include a lot of people.c22 Some people are born neurodivergent, as autistic people are. Others become neurodivergent later in life, for example after trauma. Walker also says that "not all neurodivergent people are disabled."c22 And neurodivergent does not just mean autistic.c23 For a group of people born with the same kind of difference, Walker made up another word in 2004: neurominority.c23 A minority is a smaller group within a bigger one. Amy Pearson and Kieran Rose use this word too. They say people in a neurominority share a kind of mind that does not change. Others often treat them unfairly. But the people in the group can still be very different from each other.c24

In 2008 Walker made up one more word, neuroqueer.c25 To neuroqueer means to push back against rules about how minds should work. It also means pushing back against rules about gender and love at the same time. It can also be a word for who a person is.c25 Remi Yergeau is an autistic writer who uses this word. Yergeau argues that autistic movements that doctors call "behavior" can be a way of communicating.c26

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Community

How autistic writers define and use the words. It describes usage; the research is in later sections.

Community

This part tells you how autistic writers use the words. It is not a science finding.

Where it came from Established

The idea grew on Independent Living on the Autistic Spectrum (InLv), an email list for autistic people that Martijn Dekker started in 1996.2 In a list message of 29 October 1996, which Dekker published in 2023, Tony Langdon wrote of "the neurological diversity of people".c13 The journalist Harvey Blume, a list member, wrote in the New York Times in June 1997 that autistic people online were proposing "a new social compact, one emphasizing neurological pluralism".c8 In an essay posted on 1 July 1997 he wrote that the challenge was "to accept neurological diversity".c9

Judy Singer, an Australian sociology student and a member of the list, wrote her 1998 honors thesis at the University of Technology, Sydney, as "a personal exploration of a New Social Movement based on Neurological Diversity".c14,c15 Jane Meyerding, writing in 1998, quoted Singer on the word "neuro-diversity": "I'm not sure if I coined this word, or whether it's just 'in the air,' part of the zeitgeist."c11 As far as is known, the single word first appeared in print in Blume's article in The Atlantic in September 1998: "Neurodiversity may be every bit as crucial for the human race as biodiversity is for life in general."c10,1 He presented it as the view of an autistic spoof website, the Institute for the Study of the Neurologically Typical.c10 Singer's chapter in the 1999 book Disability Discourse followed.c12 She later told the writer Andrew Solomon that she wanted "to do for neurologically different people what feminism and gay rights had done for their constituencies".c15

For years Singer was named as the coiner. Steve Silberman's 2015 history says she came up with the word in phone conversations with Blume, and Price writes that it "was coined in 1999 by sociologist Judy Singer".c15,c3 Dekker credited her in 2020, then withdrew the credit in 2023: "As it turns out, that was in error."2,c13 In a 2024 letter to the journal Autism, six scholars, among them Walker and Steven Kapp, argued that the concept "was collectively theorised and developed by autistic activists", mainly on InLv, and that unless more archival evidence appears, "it is possible we will never know who coined the term".1 Singer replies that she coined the word, not the concept, and that she first used it with Blume in 1997, by phone and in private emails.c14 In 2024 she posted photographs of partly blurred excerpts, one dated 13 December 1997; the full correspondence has not been released or independently checked.c21

The related words came later. Walker credits Kassiane Asasumasu with coining "neurodivergent" and "neurodivergence" in 2000.c1 Asasumasu wrote in 2015 that the word was needed because people were using "neurodiverse" and "neurodiversity" "to just mean autistic", and that "It is specifically a tool of inclusion."c2 Walker's essay "Throw Away the Master's Tools", first published in 2012 in the anthology Loud Hands and revised online in 2013, set the neurodiversity paradigm against what it calls the pathology paradigm.c20

In 1996, Martijn Dekker started an email list for autistic people. It was called InLv.2 That same year, a member named Tony Langdon wrote about "the neurological diversity of people".c13 In 1997 a reporter on the list, Harvey Blume, wrote about these ideas in a newspaper.c8,c9

Judy Singer was an Australian student on the list. In 1998 she wrote a long college paper about this new movement.c14,c15 That year another writer quoted her. Singer said she was not sure whether she made up the word, or whether it was "in the air".c11 The first printed use of the single word that we know of is Blume's. It was in a magazine in September 1998.c10 He compared it to biodiversity, the variety of living things.

For years, people said Singer invented the word.c15,c3 In 2023, Dekker said his own earlier credit to Singer was an error.c13 In 2024, six scholars wrote that autistic people built the idea together. They said we may never know who first said the word.1 Singer says she made up the word, but not the idea.c14

The word neurodivergent came later. Walker says Kassiane Asasumasu made it up in 2000.c1 Asasumasu said the word was meant to include people, not to leave them out.c2

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Established

The dates rest on documents that can still be read, checked against the originals where they could be reached. Who first used the single word is disputed, and the record cannot settle it.

Word
InLv

Independent Living on the Autistic Spectrum, an email list for autistic people and related groups, started in 1996.

Established

We can still read the old writings, so we know the dates. But nobody can prove who first said the word.

Why it resonates Community

For many autistic writers the idea changes the story they tell about their own lives. Price learned from autistic activists that "it was society's failure to adapt to our needs that left us feeling broken."c4 Writing about adults who find out late that they are autistic, Price describes their life histories being "cast in a new light", with their difficulties "revealed as a mismatch between our neurotype and what society has conditioned us to be."c19 Megan Griffith writes that "accepting that you're neurodivergent doesn't mean you're 'lowering expectations'"; it means "being honest about the tools you do and don't have".c17

It also shapes what writers ask of care. Megan Anna Neff writes that autism "is not in and of itself a condition that warrants treatment", while co-occurring conditions such as anxiety often benefit from support. She advises looking for neurodivergent-affirming therapists, who "think of autism as a valid part of your identity (versus a disorder to fix)."c16

Writers stress that the idea does not mean autism is easy. Garcia writes that "fighting for neurodiversity or celebrating disability does not mean that autistic people think that their condition is all good. They still recognize that it is a disability."c7 Griffith says that even with acceptance and kindness all around, "it still disables me."c18 Garcia quotes the disability rights advocate Aiyana Bailin: "The neurodiversity approach is primarily a call to include and respect people whose brains work in atypical ways, regardless of their level of disability".c7

Other autistic writers put the idea in terms of identity. Penni Winter, writing in Loud Hands, rejects the view that autism buries a "real" person underneath: "It can no more be stripped away or 'cured' than our gender or race can be 'cured' or taken away."c27 James, one of the writers in their thirties in a collection of autistic adults' accounts, compares it to gay pride: "I feel we should feel free to celebrate our unusual neurology as part of who we are."c28

Many autistic writers say the idea changed how they see their lives. Price learned that the world's failure to adapt made autistic people feel broken.c4 Price says people who learn they are autistic as adults often see their past in a new way.c19 Megan Griffith says accepting you are different is not giving up. It is being honest about the tools you have.c17

Megan Anna Neff says autism itself does not need treatment. But other problems, like anxiety, often do.c16 She suggests finding therapists who see autism as part of who you are.c16

Writers also say the idea does not mean autism is always easy. Garcia says autistic people still see it as a disability.c7 Griffith says that even with acceptance, it still makes some things hard for her.c18

Some writers say autism is part of who they are. Penni Winter says it cannot be taken away or "cured", any more than a person's race can.c27 A writer named James compares it to gay pride. James says autistic people should feel free to celebrate how their minds work.c28

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Community

From autistic writers' own accounts. Whether a neurodiversity view goes with better wellbeing is a research question, covered in the next section.

Community

These are autistic writers talking about their own lives. Whether this way of thinking helps people feel better is a science question. The next part covers it.

How autistic people and others see it Emerging

In an online survey of 657 people, published in 2013 (people who identified as autistic, their relatives and friends, and people with no stated tie to autism), identifying as autistic and knowing about neurodiversity went with seeing autism as "a positive identity that needs no cure". Recognizing autism's negative aspects did not differ by group or by awareness of neurodiversity, and the authors proposed seeing autism as deficit and difference at once.3 In a survey published in 2017 by an overlapping team (636 people, 309 of them self-identified autistic, with diagnoses not checked), autistic participants rated finding a cure as less important than non-autistic participants did. They also showed more science-based knowledge of autism, less stigma, and more often opposed the medical model than non-autistic participants. Within autistic participants' own open-ended definitions of autism, more drew on medical-model ideas (55%) than opposed them (26%), and some definitions did both. Autistic participants who placed more importance on a cure held more stigmatizing views of autism; this is a correlation.4

A survey from the same network, published in 2024, asked 504 people (278 autistic), including researchers, professionals and 162 parents or caregivers, about the goals of support. Most participants supported the neurodiversity movement. Stronger support for the neurodiversity movement went with favoring changes to society and supportive environments, and with less support for goals of normalization and of adaptive skills, though teaching adaptive skills was widely supported overall. Even participants who described disability as caused by society alone rated teaching adaptive skills and curing epilepsy above neutral, and the autistic participants among them also rated curing depression above neutral. Differences between autistic and non-autistic participants were most apparent among parents and caregivers.5 A companion paper on the same survey found that normalization goals were generally opposed across groups, though people close to autistic people with an intellectual disability rated adaptive-skill goals higher. The authors write that the results "suggest that the broader autistic and autism communities see NDM-consistent intervention goals as appropriate for all autistic people", including those who do not speak or have an intellectual disability, and call for research that includes more of those people themselves.6 The sample included seven autistic people with an intellectual disability and five who do not speak, and the authors note that supporters of neurodiversity seemed more likely to take part.5

A related question is identity. A 2024 systematic review, which did not pool results statistically, of 20 quantitative studies found that a positive autistic identity was associated with better mental health and wellbeing. A positive identity went with acceptance and support from others, while individual factors were largely nonsignificant or inconclusive.7 An association does not show which comes first.

A 2013 survey asked 657 people about autism. Autistic people were more likely to see autism as a good part of who they are. So were people who knew about neurodiversity.3 But every group saw the hard sides of autism about equally.3 In a 2017 survey by some of the same scientists, autistic people cared less about finding a cure.4

A 2025 survey asked 504 people what support should aim for.5 People who backed the movement wanted society to change more. They cared less about making autistic people seem "normal". But even strong backers wanted people to learn everyday skills. They also wanted conditions like depression treated.5 A related report found that people close to autistic people with intellectual disability cared more about teaching everyday skills.6 Most people in these surveys were white and lived in the United States, Britain or Canada.5

A big review looked at 20 studies about autistic identity. Feeling good about being autistic went along with better mental health.7 But this is a link, not proof of a cause.

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Emerging

The surveys are online, cross-sectional and self-selected, and the three main ones come from one network of researchers. Participants were mostly white, from the United States, Britain and Canada, and most autistic participants were women or nonbinary. Very few were autistic people with an intellectual disability or who do not speak.

Word
Adaptive skills

Everyday skills for looking after oneself and getting through daily life, such as dressing, cooking or using money.

Emerging

These are surveys of people who chose to answer online. Most come from one group of researchers. Very few people in them had an intellectual disability or did not speak.

Neurodiversity-affirming practice Emerging

Neurodiversity-affirming practice is support built on the paradigm. In one widely cited account, neurodiversity-informed intervention "opposes any attempt to 'cure' or 'normalize' autistic children", while accepting that "some neurological differences are disadvantageous" and may benefit from targeted support.18

How far practice has moved is little studied. In an online survey completed by 150 school-based speech-language pathologists, almost 92% knew of the neurodiversity movement, but 54% lacked confidence in affirming practice, and only 2% answered every question about therapy goals in an affirming way.8 Evaluations of affirming support are small. In one, 16 adults who were diagnosed or self-identified as autistic took a ten-week autistic-led program and were interviewed afterward. They valued that it was autistic-led, felt united despite their differences, and described a more positive, practical outlook on autism.10 A 2025 systematic review of 19 UK studies of support for adults without an intellectual disability diagnosed in adulthood found that none collected outcome data, so it could not judge whether that support works.9

Neurodiversity-affirming support means help that does not try to cure autism or make people seem "normal".18 It still allows help with things that cause real trouble.18

Scientists asked 150 school speech therapists about it. Almost all had heard of the movement. But about half did not feel confident using it. Very few set goals in an affirming way.8 Studies of this kind of support are small.10 One review could not tell whether support after diagnosis works, because there was too little data.9

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Emerging

One survey of clinicians and a few small qualitative evaluations. No controlled trial found as of October 2026 has measured the outcomes of a neurodiversity-affirming program.

Word
Speech-language pathologist

A therapist who works with communication, language and swallowing.

Emerging

There is one survey of therapists and a few small studies. No careful trial has tested whether this kind of support works better.

Debates Emerging

The sharpest objection is that the idea speaks for some autistic people and not others. Uta Frith, a researcher writing in 2008, calls the view that the whole spectrum should be described only as difference "a strange proposition" that "seems perverse" to anyone who knows severe cases; the family of one autistic woman who needs constant supervision, she writes, "feel this claim as cruel mockery."21,22 Garcia reports Jill Escher, a cofounder of the National Council on Severe Autism and mother of two autistic sons who cannot speak, saying that advocates "cherrypick naive, feel-good stories that portray autism falsely instead of grappling with the reality."c7 He also quotes Benjamin Alexander, an autistic man who cannot speak: "I want to be cured just like a cancer patient wants to be free of disease."c7 The philosophers Pier Jaarsma and Stellan Welin argued in 2012 that "Only a narrow conception of neurodiversity, referring exclusively to high-functioning autists, is reasonable."15 Ginny Russell records the complaint, from "several vocal autistic people and parents", that the movement "is made up mostly of less impaired individuals who do not represent people with more severe problems", while noting that many parents belong to it.16

The argument took a new form when the Lancet Commission on autism, in a report published online in December 2021, proposed the term "profound autism" for advocacy and description. It covers people who need round-the-clock access to an adult who can care for them, cannot be left alone at home and cannot meet basic daily needs, in most cases with an IQ below 50, very limited language, or both; it is not meant for young children.11 The Commission says the term is "defined, not by autistic features, but by intellectual or language disability", and that these people risk being "marginalised by a focus on more able individuals." It also names valuing autism and neurodiversity as a benefit to society.11 In US surveillance of 8-year-olds from 2000 to 2016, 26.7% of autistic children met a working definition of profound autism (not speaking, speaking very little, or an IQ below 50). They were more likely to be girls, from racial and ethnic minority groups, from low-income families or born preterm, and more likely to have self-injury or seizures.12 Thirty-eight autistic authors objected that "autistic people have resisted functioning labels as misleading and offensive" and proposed phrases such as "autistic person with high support needs".13 In a US survey of 3,181 non-autistic parents and 2,098 autistic people, "profound autism" was the least liked of the terms for subgroups, though the survey did not ask how familiar people were with it. Views varied: almost half of both groups fell in an "Open" cluster that liked or was neutral toward most terms, and strong opposition to subgroup terms was concentrated in a cluster that preferred identity-first language.14

Writers on both sides of the argument keep returning to it. Donna Henderson, Sarah Wayland and Jamell White, in a guide for clinicians, give the example of parents of a six-year-old with great challenges who feel "marginalized and invalidated by the idea of neurodiversity", and conclude that the approach "feels right and appropriate for some but not all autistic people."c30 Pearson and Rose answer that critics who say the paradigm erases autistic people with higher support needs misrepresent many of its proponents, and that it "does not seek to erase the struggles of autistic people".c24 Steven Kapp, an autistic researcher, writes that leaders of the movement "prioritise ensuring that everyone has a reliable means of communication", such as augmentative and alternative communication.c31 Orion Kelly, an autistic father of an autistic son, describes his own care needs as fluid ("some days I can barely function") and asks readers not to write off people with high care needs, who "will 100% have incredible strengths".c32

A third question is whether neurodiversity rejects treatment. Price writes that seeking a treatment "for" autism assumes "we are broken or sick. This is an idea the neurodiversity movement completely rejects."c3 Griffith would not take a cure herself but "would also never stop someone else from taking it, as long as they were fully informed."c18 Scholars of the movement draw the line at aims rather than help. Ari Ne'eman and Elizabeth Pellicano write that activists reject the claim that the movement "views autism as a difference but not a disability"; what it rejects is the idea that research and service provision should aim at "prevention, cure or recovery towards normalcy."17 Patrick Dwyer describes an approach that may change individuals in limited ways, such as teaching skills or using medication to manage difficulties, but "Curing or normalizing the disabled person should not be goals."19 Winter, writing in 2012, drew the same line from inside the community: the same social skills training can serve "normalisation", whose goal is to remove every outward sign of autism, or what Winter calls "Maximisation", growing a child's abilities as an autistic person. In Winter's words, "it's not what's done, but why it's done."c27 Frith, from the other side, writes that "It is not absurd to wish for amelioration or prevention in those cases where disabilities dominate the picture."22 Pellicano and Jacquiline den Houting describe the paradigm as "explicitly inclusive of all autistic and neurodivergent people, including those with the highest and most complex support needs."20 No study found as of October 2026 has asked enough autistic people who do not speak or who have an intellectual disability to report their views of the paradigm on their own.

Often saidNeurodiversity means autism is not a disability.
Evidence

Movement writers say the reverse. Garcia writes that autistic people "still recognize that it is a disability", and activists reject the "difference but not a disability" reading.c7,17 In one survey, teaching adaptive skills was widely supported, even by people who saw disability as caused by society alone.5

Some people say the idea only speaks for some autistic people. The scientist Uta Frith knows autistic people who need help all day. She says calling autism only a "difference" can feel cruel to their families.21,22 Some parents agree.c7 Benjamin Alexander is autistic and cannot speak. He said he wants a cure.c7 Some thinkers say the idea fits only autistic people who need less support.15,16

In 2021, a group of experts suggested a new term, "profound autism".11 It means autistic people who need an adult nearby all day and night. Most also have an intellectual disability or very little speech.11 One US study found about 1 in 4 autistic 8-year-olds fit an early version of this.12 Many autistic writers object to the term. They say it is an old label in new clothes.13 In one big survey, it was the least liked term.14

Writers still disagree about who the idea is for. Some doctors who write about autism say it feels right for some autistic people, but not all.c30 They describe parents of a young child with big struggles who feel left out by it.c30 Amy Pearson and Kieran Rose disagree with the critics. They say the idea does not try to hide autistic people's struggles.c24 Steven Kapp is an autistic researcher. Kapp says leaders of the movement want everyone to have a way to communicate. For some, that means a device or other tools instead of speech.c31 Orion Kelly is an autistic dad. He says his own support needs go up and down. He asks people not to write off anyone who needs a lot of care.c32

People also argue about treatment. Price says the movement rejects treating autism itself.c3 Scholars of the movement say it does not reject all help. It rejects trying to cure people or make them "normal".17,19 Penni Winter says the same lesson can help or harm. What matters is the goal. Is it to hide autism, or to help an autistic child grow?c27 Frith says it makes sense to wish for help when disability is severe.22 So far, no study has asked enough autistic people who do not speak what they think of the idea.

Often saidNeurodiversity means autism is not a disability.
Evidence

Most writers in the movement say autism is a disability. They want support, but not a cure.c7,17,5

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Emerging

The positions come from books, commentaries and consensus reports. The data they draw on are single surveys and surveillance studies, and almost none include the views of autistic people with the highest support needs.

New 2026

With an updated 2025 definition that adds a measure of everyday functioning, 16.5% of 7,084 autistic 8-year-olds at 13 US surveillance sites in 2022 met the profound autism criteria, and another 32.1% met one part of the definition but not all of it. Only about half the children had the needed assessments on record, so missing data were estimated. The older definition gives a figure 33.5% higher, so the drop from 26.7% is not a trend.23

See also
Emerging

These are arguments from books and reports. The surveys behind them are small, and they rarely hear from autistic people who need the most support.

New 2026

With an updated 2025 definition that adds a measure of everyday functioning, 16.5% of 7,084 autistic 8-year-olds at 13 US surveillance sites in 2022 met the profound autism criteria, and another 32.1% met one part of the definition but not all of it. Only about half the children had the needed assessments on record, so missing data were estimated. The older definition gives a figure 33.5% higher, so the drop from 26.7% is not a trend.23

See also

From nonspeaking writers Nonspeaking

For nonspeaking writers, acceptance includes how they communicate. Adam J. Morgan, who wrote at 17 that he communicates "by typing with support", says that "everyone should be accepted for who they are" and writes: "I've always been judged because I don't communicate like others think I should."c29 Damon Kirsebom, who learned to type independently on a keyboard, writes that he relates his experiences "with the trust that others will see me as the person I am, rather than the stereotype that is my diagnosis."c33

Adam J. Morgan does not speak. He types to communicate, with a helper. He says everyone "should be accepted for who they are". He also says people judge him because he does not communicate the way they expect.c29 Damon Kirsebom types without a helper's hand. He says he trusts people to see "the person I am, rather than the stereotype that is my diagnosis".c33

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Nonspeaking

In their own words, written by typing, spelling, handwriting or AAC, some with a communication partner's support. Researchers dispute whether some partner-supported methods let the writer, not the partner, choose the words; the pedia reports these accounts as their writers' and does not settle that question here. The methods and the evidence about who authors the words are set out in Facilitated communication and spelling to communicate.

Nonspeaking

These are the words of people who do not speak and write by typing or spelling. Some use a helper. Researchers disagree about some of those methods. You can read about these methods in Facilitated communication and spelling to communicate.

Sources

Research

  1. 1Botha M, Chapman R, Giwa Onaiwu M, Kapp SK, Stannard Ashley A, Walker N. The neurodiversity concept was developed collectively: An overdue correction on the origins of neurodiversity theory. Autism, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1177/13623613241237871
  2. 2Dekker M. From Exclusion to Acceptance: Independent Living on the Autistic Spectrum. In: Kapp SK (ed). Autistic Community and the Neurodiversity Movement: Stories from the Frontline. Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8437-0_3
  3. 3Kapp SK, Gillespie-Lynch K, Sherman LE, Hutman T. Deficit, difference, or both? Autism and neurodiversity. Developmental Psychology, 2013. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0028353
  4. 4Gillespie-Lynch K, Kapp SK, Brooks PJ, Pickens J, Schwartzman B. Whose Expertise Is It? Evidence for Autistic Adults as Critical Autism Experts. Frontiers in Psychology, 2017. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.00438
  5. 5Dwyer P, Gurba AN, Kapp SK, et al. Community views of neurodiversity, models of disability and autism intervention: Mixed methods reveal shared goals and key tensions. Autism, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/13623613241273029
  6. 6Hersh L, Dwyer P, Kapp SK, et al. Community Member Views on Autism Intervention: Effects of Closeness to Autistic People with Intellectual Disabilities And Nonspeaking Autistic People. Autism in Adulthood, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1089/aut.2023.0202
  7. 7Davies J, Cooper K, Killick E, et al. Autistic identity: A systematic review of quantitative research. Autism Research, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1002/aur.3105
  8. 8DeMonte KH, Lugo-Neris MJ, Perry BJ. Assessing School-Based Speech-Language Pathologists' Perspectives on Neurodiversity-Affirming Practices for Autistic Students. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 2026. https://doi.org/10.1044/2026_LSHSS-25-00080
  9. 9Norris JE, Harvey R, Hull L. Post-diagnostic support for adults diagnosed with autism in adulthood in the UK: A systematic review with narrative synthesis. Autism, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/13623613241273073
  10. 10Crane L, Hearst C, Ashworth M, Davies J, Hill EL. Supporting Newly Identified or Diagnosed Autistic Adults: An Initial Evaluation of an Autistic-Led Programme. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-020-04486-4
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